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Publications -> Govt & Politics -> "Responsible Democracy"
Responsible Democracy
Previousy, I described how the United States could implement a
direct democracy
.
One of the principal advantages of direct democracy is that it makes citizens,
and
not their elected representatives, responsible for the laws that guide the
nation. This is
the truest expression of democracy. Almost.
In fact, democracy will reach its highest form of expression when citizens have
both:
-
authority
to make decisions (as in a direct democracy); and
-
accountability
for the consequences of those decisions.
I call such an accountable democratic process "responsible democracy".
There are a variety of ways in which we can hold citizens responsible for their
actions in
a direct democracy. In this note I propose one approach to implementing
responsible democracy, namely, that:
I'll refer to this particular subset of responsible democracy as "fiscally
responsible democracy".
Under a fiscally responsible democracy, everyone who votes in favor of a
particular bill or resolution will be required to pledge a dollar amount that
he will contribute to the cost of
implementing that bill if it passes. Depending on the nature of the bill being
voted on, the voter may be
required to pledge either a one-time or multi-year contribution, (usually the
latter).
If the sum of all the pledged dollar amounts does not equal or exceed the
estimated cost of implementing the bill, then the bill will not be considered
to have passed,
regardless of the number or percentage of the citizenry that voted for it.
Conversely,
regardless of the sum of the pledged amounts, if the majority of those voting
do not favor the bill, it
will not be considered to have passed.
Benefits Of Fiscally Responsible Democracy
Here are a few benefits that will be derived if fiscally responsible democracy,
as outlined
above, is
put into effect.
-
The national debt will be eliminated, possibly being replaced in part by an
increase
in the citizenry's combined personal debt.
-
The nation will avoid the near-annual shameful charade in which Congress and the
President,
stalemated over proposed budget resolutions, threaten to (and occasionally
actually do)
shut down the goverment.
-
Fraud and waste in government spending will probably be reduced, as citizens
will
more carefully evaluate the ways their tax money is being spent.
-
The power of special interest groups and their lobbyists will be dramatically
reduced if not altogether eliminated.
-
By having to "put their money where their mouth is", people will learn
more about their true values.
-
Re-establishing the connection between actions and their consequences will
permit citizens to learn from their mistakes in judgement, something that is
difficult if not
impossible to achieve under our current representative democratic system, in
which the
consequences of decisions and actions are usually obscured, if not hidden, from
the voting
public.
-
The majority will not be able to force the minority to pay for the
institutionalization
of its values.
-
Interpersonal and intergroup conflict will be reduced since people with
different philosophies will not be able to blame others for forcing them to pay
for activities
and/or entities that they oppose.
Pseudo-Problems With Fiscally Responsible Democracy
There are a variety of objections that will be brought to bear against the
notion of fiscally
responsible democracy. Here are a few of them that I have encountered, along
with my
rebuttal.
-
Pseudo-Problem
-
Important programs, projects and initiatives will not be funded.
For example, the arts, basic research, beautification programs, not to mention
(he mentioned)
various forms of welfare for the needy, that are now funded in large part by
government
grants,
will cease to exist if individuals are required to pay for them.
-
Rebuttal
-
Nonsense
The issue here centers on the word "important".
There is no absolute standard of importance. Programs that are important to
some
people are not important to others. Those that feel they are important will be
willing to pay
for them. Those that feel they aren't, won't.
It is perhaps true that many programs and activities that are now supported,
knowingly
or unknowingly, by taxpayers will cease to exist, or be scaled back
significantly if only
those
who believe they are important will be paying for them, but this is as it
should be. It may
be,
for example, that these "important" programs are truly important only to a
small subset of the
taxpaying public, namely those who benefit directly or indirectly from their
existence.
-
Pseudo-Problem
-
Required services will be inadequately funded and the national infrastructure
will crumble.
Here people are talking about required services such as police
and
fire departments, road building, sewer and water facilities, national defense,
the post
office, etc.
The thought is that these services would be inadequately funded if taxpayers
were given the
option
of paying for them or not.
-
Rebuttal
-
Nonsense.
With the potential exceptions of national defense,
the judiciary function, and the prison system, there is no "service" offered by
a government
agency that cannot be obtained on a fee-for-service basis, either from the
government or
alternative sources. For instance:
-
In many communities fire protection is presently optional. If you don't pay
the fee, your
home
will not be protected by the local fire department.
-
Emergency medical services are routinely offered on an optional subscription
basis in
many communities. Those who do not ante up the annual subscription cost are
charged on a
fee- for- service basis when they actually use the service.
-
Mountain climber and hiker rescue services now are beginning to charge those
they rescue
for the cost of their service.
-
While I know of no communities in which police protection is optional, there is
no
conceptual
reason why it could not be funded in a manner similar to that of the fire,
EMT, and rescue
services
mentioned above.
-
Many roads, bridges, sewer systems, and other components of the national
infrastructure
are presently paid for
entirely by user fees, sometimes called tolls. There is no reason why this
principle could
not
be applied to all elements of the national infrastructure.
These examples suggest that elimination of tax support for most, if not all, of
the services
presently provided by government agencies need not result in the elimination of
those
services that citizens actually desire or require. Those that might not be
funded by taxes
under a responsible democracy can be funded in other ways.
Now let's talk about the potential exceptions:
-
National Defense
An argument can be made that all residents of this country,
including those that pay taxes and those that don't, derive benefit from our
uniformed
armed forces (e.g., the army, navy and airforce), as well as such
"intelligence" agencies as
the
FBI, CIA, and NSA. This benefit, some contend, includes, among other things,
deterring
potential invasions by the nation's "enemies"; as well as inhibiting unlawful
civil unrest by
our
citizens and other of the nation's residents.
But an argument can also be (and has been convincingly) made that the nation's
military
posture encourages,
rather than inhibits international conflict, and that the results of the
intelligence
agencies' actions are
often harmful, rather than beneficial, to the nation's citizens.
Even within the camp of those that believe a strong national defense serves the
country
well, there is considerable disagreement with respect to "how strong" is strong
enough,
and whether particular initiatives and weapon systems act to strengthen or
weaken the
nation's defense.
Similarly, within the camp of those who generally oppose the buildup of the
military, there is
often
disagreement as to how much it should be weakened, and precisely which
intiatives or weapon
systems should be dismantled, and which should remain.
I will not attempt to enumerate or synopsize the arguments between and within
these two
camps. The point here is that there is no consensus regarding the extent, if
any, to which a
strong national defense actually does benefit the nation, nor regarding what,
precisely,
constitutes a strong national defense, nor precisely how strong is strong
enough.
Thus, while there is (almost) certainly a specific configuration for this
country's national
defensive posture (i.e., a specific number of combatants of various types, and
a specific set
of weapon systems) that actually
does
affect the citizenry in ways
that most of them would agree is beneficial, no-one knows what that
configuration is.
In the absence of such knowledge, anyone's guess is as good as anyone else's.
(If you doubt this, listen, as I have, to two equally knowledgable and respected
defense experts
arrive at diametrically opposite conclusions regarding the benefit to be
derived from various
weapon system programs such as the Strategic Defense Initiative (aka"Star
Wars"), or at a
more mundane level, the relative benefit of a $2 billion submarine versus a $50
thousand sea
mine.)
Since everyone's guess is as good (or bad) as everyone else's, there is no
rational basis for
arguing that anyone should be required to pay to fund someone else's idea of
what our national
defense should look like. Moreover, no-one should be required to pay for an
element of the
national defense (e.g., a particular force level or weapons system) that he
believes is
harmful to the nation's (and/or his personal) safety and well-being.
-
The Judiciary
There are, in general, two distinct classes of activity undertaken by the
judiciary that need
to be dealt with: civil cases and criminal cases.
-
Civil Cases
In civil cases, the losing party pays court costs. No tax support is
necessary. End of
story.
-
Criminal Cases
In criminal cases, one of the parties is always the government. If one accepts
the principle
that the losing party pays court costs, then someone is going to have to pay
when the
government loses its cases, and when the government wins its cases but the
convicted criminals can't afford court costs.
There are a number of ways of dealing with these situations. In the following
paragraph I
discuss one alternative. The clever among you will, I'm sure, think of even
more interesting
approaches.
Using historical data, determine the fraction of criminal cases brought by the
government
in which the government has lost, or the government has won, but the losing
party (the
criminal)
is unable to pay the actual court costs. Then have the convicted criminals
that
can
afford to pay, pay a multiple of their actual court costs, based on the
aforesaid fraction,
sufficient that the sum of all such court costs paid by convicted criminals
equals the total
of all
criminal court costs. For example, if in one-half of its criminal cases, the
government
either
loses the case or the convicted criminal is unable to pay court costs, then the
convicted
criminals that can pay, will be required to pay double their actual court costs.
-
The Prison System
We can charge the convicted criminals for their stays in jail. Of course, the
criminals may
not be
able to afford the full cost of their stays, but charging them what they
can
afford
is a
good beginning, and will substantially reduce the unfunded obligation
associated with the
prison
system.
One way of dealing with the remaining (unfunded) cost of the prison system, is
to include it
in
the total cost of police protection, which, as noted above, can be paid for on a
fee-for-service
or contract basis by those who elect to have police protection.
Real Problems With Fiscally Responsible Democracy
If one subscribes to the notion that democracy is the preferred form of
government, then the
only real problem associated with fiscally responsible democracy is determining
the best way
to
implement it.
(Another, indirect, problem is that, combined with
direct democracy
,
fiscally responsible democracy will tend to reveal many of the limitations and
frailties of
the democratic
process that are not evident under our present representative democratic
government.
In the long run, this may change our assumptions about whether democracy truly
is the
preferred form of government.)
.
Myriad questions will need to be answered before fiscally responsible democracy
can
be implemented. Here are a few of them:
-
Who is delegated authority to determine (in advance) and monitor (on an ongoing
basis)
how much a particular initiative costs (or saves)?
-
What happens if an initiative ends up costing more (or less) than originally
predicted?
How is
any deficit handled, and how are any excess funds (re)distributed?
-
How is the money that voters pledge when they vote in favor of an initiative
collected from them?
-
By whom? Using what mechanisms?
-
Will credit be advanced to voters?
-
If so, how? Using what collateral?
-
What happens in the event that the voter defaults on his pledge (and/or loan)?
-
If a particular initiative falls short of being funded on the first ballot,
will there be
a mechanism
to bring the shortfall to the attention of those who voted for it, giving them
an opportunity
to
pledge (or borrow) an additional sum?
-
What formula will be used to allocate charges for an intitiative among those
voting for
it? Will
rich and poor citizens be charged equally? If not, what?
I feel confident that the interested reader will be able to think of many other
practical
difficulties
that will be encountered in attempting to bring fiscally responsible democracy
into being. I
never
said it was going to be easy.
But none of these obstacles is insurmountable. More than one viable solution
can be developed
for each of them. And the benefits that will accrue from fiscally responsible
democracy will
more than repay the effort required to design, implement and fine-tune it.
David Parrish
Williams, Oregon
August 13, 1995
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